In 2016, USA Today asked Baltimore Orioles’ center
fielder Adam Jones why no Black baseball players mimicked football player Colin
Kaepernick’s protest of the national anthem.
Jones declared that Black players “already have two
strikes against us.” Compared to basketball and football, Black Major League
Baseball players constitute a miniscule number. “They don’t need us,” the
Baltimore outfielder said. “Baseball is a white man’s sport.”
One year later and 70 years after World War II veteran Jackie
Robinson broke the color barrier in Major League Baseball, Boston, Mass.,
spectators confirmed Jones’ assessment and wasted a bag of peanuts in the
process.
During a May 1 contest between the Orioles and the Red Sox, Jones
reported being “called the n-word a handful of times” and having a bag of nuts
thrown at him.
An assortment of athletes, including Jason Heyward of
the Chicago Cubs and Golden State Warriors teammates Draymond Green and Stephen
Curry, immediately disclosed that they’ve endured similar abuse from racist
sports fans.
The fact that the Cubs and Warriors have each hoisted
recent championships in their respective leagues suggests the pinnacle of
athletic achievement fails to shield Black athletes from anti-Black racism.
During the 1950s and ’60s, Bill Russell secured 11
titles for the Boston Celtics while describing the town as “a flea market of
racism.” Chris Yuscavage writes that the hoops legend was conflicted about “how
he was supposed to feel when he was routinely cheered by some of those same”
white New Englanders who expressed unadulterated contempt for Black life before
and after Celtics victories.
It’s likely that Jones’s verbal assailants badgered him
while simultaneously reveling in the current playoff run of the overwhelmingly
Black Celtics team.
University of Texas professor John Hoberman authored “Darwin’s Athletes: How Sport Has Damaged Black America and Preserved the Myth of Race” in part to explore the contradiction of racist sports fans patronage of Black-dominated athletics.
University of Texas professor John Hoberman authored “Darwin’s Athletes: How Sport Has Damaged Black America and Preserved the Myth of Race” in part to explore the contradiction of racist sports fans patronage of Black-dominated athletics.
Hoberman reminds readers that historically, white
culture declared white women and men intellectually and athletically supreme.
Hoberman explains how the “emotional stake” in maintaining the lie of white
superiority demanded that generations of Jackie Robinsons be barred from
competing with white students or athletes.
What began with “Black firsts” like boxing champion
Jack Johnson and tennis prodigy Althea Gibson, has, according to Hoberman,
swelled to the point that, “A lot of whites, if they’re sports fans, they are
going to have to consume a lot of sports entertainment that is going to feature
people who do not look like them, who do not have white skins.”
The billion-dollar global sports conglomerate verifies
the insatiable appetite and market for Black athletes. Hoberman submits that
stale racial stereotypes helped a number of whites digest the never ending
serving of Black athletic triumph.
Hoberman writes, “The myth of Black hardiness and
supernormal vitality has been the crucible of our thinking about” Black bodies
and often a leading justification for their enslavement.
The antebellum delusions about Black endurance and pain
tolerance that made people with melanin ideal candidates to be shackled
conveniently explained the athletic brilliance of Black people. Laboring in
white-owned fields with a ball or bail of cotton is our genetically
predetermined destiny and limited range of expertise.
However, for multitudes of white sport fans, thinking
of Black male athletes as mutli-million-dollar slaves has made it no easier to
stomach a sports world where Black ballers reign.
In “The History of White People Hating LeBron James,”
Chris Osterndorf writes that whites “are able to appreciate [Black athletes],
to rely on them, but we’re not necessarily able to separate that from the
belief that they work for us.”
Black athletes aren’t role models or human beings,
they’re white folks’ servants. Osterndorf says this mentality explains how
racists hail the accomplishments of Black players on their favorite sporting
teams, “all while calling him a ‘n—-r’ in the same conversation.”
During a NPR 2014 interview, U.S. Congressman James
Clyburn used his daughter’s college homecoming football game to explain how
devotion to the system of white supremacy is compartmentalized during heated
sporting events.
Representative Clyburn’s daughter, Mignon Clyburn,
observed a white motorist with a bumper sticker promoting University of South
Carolina football player George Rogers’ Heisman trophy campaign. She doubted
the driver would sport a bumper sticker endorsing her father for Congress.
Ms. Clyburn recalled that during the ballgame, the
white fans who jeered and heckled the Black homecoming queen loudest were the
most vocal in praising every yard gained by Rogers. She synthesized those
events into a succinct conclusion: “It’s all right for us to entertain, but
they don’t want us to represent them.”
Many Black people, including athletes like Hall of Fame
football player Kellen Winslow, erroneously assumed white consumption of Black
sports figures signified the wane of racism and the power of interracial
athletics to lessen racial hostilities. Winslow has since publicly acknowledged
his error.
When he was a physically gifted star on the gridiron,
he was “treated and viewed differently than most African-American men in this
country.” His Black life mattered. Racism was not a problem.
“Then, reality came calling,” writes Winslow in the
forward for the 1996 book In Black and White: Race and Sports in America by
Kenneth L. Shropshire “After a nine-year career in the National Football League
filled with honors and praises, I stepped into the real world and realized, in
the words of Muhammad Ali, that I was ‘just another n—-r.’”
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